R&D

The Hope at the Heart of the Apocalyptic #ClimateChange Report #auspol #nswpol #qldpol #StopAdani #EndCoal #TheDrum #QandA End #Capitalism

Along with their latest dire predictions, the world’s leading climate scientists offered a new path forward—but will anyone take it?

By Jason Hickel

Cracked mud is pictured at sunrise on the dried shores of Lake Gruyère, affected by continuous drought, near the western Swiss village of Avry-devant-Pont. (Fabrice Cofrin/AFP/Getty Images) 

When the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) published a new special report last week, it came with both good news and bad.

The good news is that the carbon budget for staying under 1.5 degrees Celsius of warming is larger than we thought, so we have a bit more time to act.

The bad news is that the consequences of overshooting that threshold are very, very bad.

The catastrophes that we once believed would be triggered by only 2 degrees of warming are likely to occur at this lower threshold, including widespread collapse of food yields and extreme levels of human displacement.

The IPCC has issued a clear and trenchant call for action—its most urgent yet.

It says we need to cut annual global emissions by half in the next 12 years and hit net zero by the middle of the century.

It would be difficult to overstate how dramatic this trajectory is.

It requires nothing less than a total and rapid reversal of our present direction as a civilization.

The challenge is staggering in its scale, and the stakes are even more so.

As the co-chair of an IPCC working group put it, “The next few years are probably the most important in our history.” After decades of delay, this is our last chance to get it right.

Most people hope that we’ll be able to prevent catastrophe by rolling out clean energy systems, ultimately decarbonizing the economy. But so far this plan has not been working very well.

Global emissions continue to rise, year after year, and the peak is nowhere in sight. Even with the Paris climate agreement in place, adding up all of the pledges that the world’s governments have made, the IPCC predicts that we’re headed for as much as 3.4 degrees of warming.

The destruction will be unimaginable.

It’s not for lack of trying.

Of course, we must try much harder, but the problem is that economic growth is devouring our best attempts to decarbonize.

The economy is expanding much faster than we are able to transition to clean energy. We’re fighting an uphill battle, and we’re losing.

Think about it this way.

The IPCC says we need to cut emissions to net zero by the middle of the century. But during that very same period, the global economy is set to nearly triple in size.

That means three times more production and consumption than we are already doing each year.

It would be hard enough to decarbonize the existing global economy in such a short timespan.

It’s virtually impossible to do it three times over.

In Australia emissions are rising since the LNP government axed the price on carbon.

If we carry on with growth as usual, then cutting emissions in half by 2030 would require that we decarbonize the economy at a rate of 11 percent per year.

For perspective, that’s more than five times faster than the historic rate of decarbonization and about three times faster than what scientists project is possible even under highly optimistic conditions. If we roll out a towering carbon tax and massive subsidies for clean energy, we might be able to decarbonize by 3 to 4 percent per year, but that’s nowhere near fast enough.

This is a problem, and the IPCC knows it.

The special report sets out several possible scenarios for keeping us under 1.5 degrees.

Most of them assume that we continue growing global industrial output. And because this makes the challenge so difficult, they rely on speculative “negative emissions” technologies to save us.

We can go ahead and pollute now (exceeding the carbon budget twice over) so long as we figure out a way to suck that carbon back out of the atmosphere later in the century.

The plan the IPCC has in mind is called BECCS, which stands for “bioenergy with carbon capture and storage.” The idea is to grow massive plantations around the world to absorb carbon dioxide, turn those crops into biofuel, burn it in power stations, capture the carbon dioxide that’s emitted from the smokestacks, and store it deep under the ground. Voila: negative emissions.

It sounds like an elegant solution.

Politicians love it because it suggests that we can prevent climate catastrophe without having to make any major changes to the economic status quo.

It’s a kind of get-out-of-jail-free card.

But there are problems.

First, we have no evidence that the technology will work at scale.

If it doesn’t, we’ll be locked into a high-temperature pathway that’s impossible to escape.

That’s why Kevin Anderson and Glen Peters, two of the world’s leading climate scientists, have argued that relying on BECCS is “an unjust and high-stakes gamble”—a major moral hazard. It lulls us into postponing real action, with potentially disastrous consequences.

Even if BECCS does work at scale, we’ll bump into other problems.

For one, it would require devoting huge tracts of agricultural land to biofuels, with plantations equivalent to twice the size of India.

Not only is this likely to drive severe food shortages, but it would also be an ecological disaster.

A team of researchers led by the German scientist Vera Heck has found that BECCS would trigger a 10 percent loss of global forest cover and a 7 percent collapse in biodiversity, exacerbating existing crises while causing widespread water scarcity and soil depletion.

Scientists have been lining up to sound the alarm. In 2014, 15 scholars attackedthe credibility of BECCS in the prestigious journal Nature Climate Change. The following year, another 40 scholars argued in the same journal that reliance on BECCS was “extremely risky.”

This year, the European Academies’ Science Advisory Council, a body that brings together the national science academies of all EU member states, published a report condemning the IPCC for relying on BECCS and other negative emissions schemes. The consensus on this is now rock-solid.

The IPCC is finally getting the message.

Last week’s special report includes an exciting new scenario that—for the first time—does not rely on speculative technology. Developed by an international team of scientists, it projects that we can reduce emissions fast enough to keep under 1.5 degrees but only if we’re willing to fundamentally change the logic of our economy. Instead of growing industrial output at all costs, it proposes a simple alternative: that we start to consume less.

The new IPCC model calls for us to scale down global material consumption by 20 percent, with rich countries leading the way.

What does that look like?

It means moving away from disposable products toward goods that last.

It means repairing our existing things rather than buying new ones.

It means designing things so that they can be repaired (modular devices such as Fairphones rather than proprietary devices such as iPhones).

It means investing in public goods and finding ways to share stuff—from cars to lawn mowers—shifting from an ethic of ownership to an ethic of usership.

Reducing our industrial output will slash our need for energy, making it much easier to decarbonize the economy in time to avert climate breakdown.

What’s more, scientists say it’s also our best hope of reversing other aspects of ecosystem collapse. And because this scenario doesn’t require giving land over to BECCS, it leaves lots of room for reforestation, ending poverty and hunger, and improving biodiversity.

How do we get there?

This isn’t just about tweaking individual behavior.

It requires system-level change.

The first step would be to impose caps on resource consumption.

We could also roll out laws against planned obsolescence and encourage long-lasting design and recyclability by having businesses take back defunct products.

We might even think about getting rid of public advertising, as São Paulo has done, liberating people from the psychological pressure to consume unnecessary stuff.

There are dozens of ideas we could consider.

There’s just one catch.

This approach requires evolving beyond the rigid constraints of capitalism.

Whatever else capitalism might be, it is ultimately a system that is dependent on perpetual growth, which places immense pressure on our living planet.

Such a system might have seemed reasonable enough when it first emerged in the 1800s, but in an era of ecological breakdown, it just won’t do.

The good news is that rich countries no longer need aggregate growth.

In a recent statement to the European Union, 238 scientists argued that we can improve people’s lives and provide meaningful work right now, without any growth at all, simply by distributing what we already have more fairly.

That might sound politically difficult, but large majorities of people in middle- and high-income countries say they want a new economy—one that’s less dependent on growing consumption and better suited to the realities of the 21st century. Now is the time to build it.

Press link for more: Foreign Policy

Australia should be ‘exporting sunshine, not coal’, economist Jeffrey Sachs tells @QandA #auspol #qldpol #nswpol #StopAdani #EndCoal #ClimateBreakdown #ClimateChange can’t be ignored.#WentworthVotes

US analyst criticises successive governments for defending coal in wake of alarming IPCC report on climate change

Award-winning journalist with Guardian Australia, specialising in Indigenous affairs, deaths in custody, youth justice, and environment reporting.

“Make a plan, make a timeline, tell the world how you’re going to decarbonise, and then we’ll all be happy to hear from Australia that there’s really a plan,” Sachs said on the ABC’s Q&A program on Monday night. “All we see is one PM after another falling over this issue.

Also on the panel were UK conservative writer James Bartholomew, Victorian Liberal party senator James Paterson, Labor frontbencher Terri Butler and data science teacher Linda McIver.

Jeffrey Sachs

The debate followed the release last week of an alarming report by the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which warned that fossil fuels would have to be urgently phased out in order to achieve a global reduction in carbon pollution of 45% by 2030, the level required to ensure the planet only warmed by between 1.5C and 2C.

The Australian government has rejected the warning to phase out coal by 2050. Paterson told Q&A the environment was “one of many priorities” for the Morrison government, with another being power prices.

About 60% of Australia’s baseload power is currently generated by coal-fired power generators, but the proportion of renewable energy is increasing thanks to energy auctions in Victoria and South Australia, the Tesla battery in South Australia, and reduced cost of renewable technologies. Labor has committed to 50% renewable energy by 2030.

Sachs said the IPCC report showed the world was “running out of time” to avoid catastrophic climate change and blamed corporate interests and the domination of the Murdoch press for “propounding nonsense” and “telling lies” about climate science and policy.

He said Australia ought to capitalise on its affinity for solar power.

https://youtu.be/9tdduZ4ktMU

“This wonderful country has so much sunshine, you cannot even believe – you could power the whole world from your desert,” he said. “So the idea that you don’t have alternatives … I don’t know who could possibly believe this. You should be exporting sunshine actually, not coal.”

Bartholomew questioned the IPCC figures, saying that he “knew a scientist” who did not agree with it.

“The IPCC report is based on thousands of scientific reports,” host Tony Jones said in response to Bartholomew’s scepticism. “Six thousand scientific reports and 91 authors and review editors from 40 countries. I mean, balancing that out against the one scientist you know, does it mean that we have to think about consensus?”

McIver said her year 10 students had been modelling data from the IPCC report, and even they could see the figures were robust.

“The idea there is not consensus around climate change is outrageous,” she said.

The panel also heard from Kevin Muslayah, the deputy principal of Red Rock Christian College in Melbourne’s north-western suburbs, who referred to the yet to be released Ruddock report into religious freedom.

Muslayah said his school would like to retain the right to hire, and possibly fire, LGBTI teachers based on “a particular alignment of values”.

Butler said there was no justification for discriminating against LGBTI teachers or students, saying: “A gay teacher doesn’t teach gay maths. They just teach maths.”

Paterson said legislation before parliament this month would prevent discrimination against students on the basis of gender or sexual identity. He said the government would also move to protect teachers “who are willing to teach the values of that school” but said religious schools should retain discretion over who they hire.

Press link for more: The Guardian

10 ways to accelerate progress against #climatechange #auspol #qldpol #nswpol #StopAdani #EndCoal #TheDrum #QandA @StanGrantMOF

From pricing carbon to shifting diets, here’s what we need to prioritize now.

Climate scientists told us this week in a long-awaited United Nations report that limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius would require a gargantuan global effort — and that we have roughly 12 years to do it.

But how?

One bright spot in the report is that we already have the tools we need.

Let’s make something clear, though: The emissions we need to focus on now are the ones at the industrial, corporate level, not at the individual level.

According to the Carbon Majors Database, 71 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions since 1988 can be traced back to just 100 fossil fuel companies.

Hitting the 1.5°C or 2°C goals means these corporations, their customers, and other large enterprises must phase out fossil fuels (more aggressively than what Shell laid out in its vision for a zero-carbon world).

Governments will also have to come up with tax schemes to generate new revenue for investment in and incentives for renewable energy, reforestation, and carbon removal technologies. And we need to vote for leaders who will deliver on them.

The Trump administration is obviously contributing little to these efforts, trying its best to roll back Obama’s suite of climate policies and enable the continuation of fossil fuel dominance. But a growing number of younger leadersaround the world understand what’s at stake and are pushing for more ambitious goals.

Here are some examples of strategies that are working and need to be rolled out worldwide:

Australia’s Price on Carbon reduced emissions until the LNP “axed the tax”

1) Price carbon emissions

By adding a cost to emitting greenhouse gases, you create an incentive to produce less of them and switch to alternatives.

It’s hard to convince someone to pay for something if they can get it for free. Right now, much of the world can dump their greenhouse gases in the atmosphere at no charge. And we don’t have many straightforward ways to value the carbon that trees and algae help pull out of the atmosphere.

Though the new Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report didn’t explicitly discuss the economics of fighting climate change, the authors highlighted at a press conference that attaching a price tag to greenhouse gases is a critical step in limiting warming. “Carbon pricing and the right economic signals are going to be part of the mix,” said Jim Skea, co-chair of IPCC Working Group III.

Even fossil fuel giant ExxonMobil is campaigning for a carbon tax.

To date, at least 40 countries have priced carbon in some form. Some have done it through a carbon tax. Cap-and-trade schemes for carbon dioxide are also underway, like the European Union’s Emissions Trading System. China now runs the world’s largest carbon trading market. Even some regions in the United States have cap-and-trade schemes, like the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiativeamong eastern states.

But, as our colleague David Roberts wrote on Twitter, “A price on carbon of some sort is, wonks almost universally agree, an important part of a comprehensive climate strategy. But the details make all the difference in whether it’s regressive or not, effective or not, popular or not, passable or not.”

2) Subsidize clean energy, and end subsidies for dirty energy

Renewable energy sources like wind and solar power have already become dramatically more affordable. In the United States, renewables are cost-competitive with fossil fuels in some markets. In Europe, new unsubsidized renewable energy projects are coming online.

From a market standpoint, it might seem like the time is near for pulling the plug on subsidies to renewables. But if your goal is to fight climate change, it makes more sense to keep giving cleaner energy sources a boost.

The fossil fuel industry is meanwhile still getting a number of direct and indirect subsidies. In the US, these subsidies can amount to $20 billion a year. Globally, it’s about $260 billion per year. Getting rid of government support for these fuels seems like a no-brainer. But yes, the massive political influence of fossil fuels means this will continue to be extremely hard.

3) Close coal plants, and cut off the fossil fuel supply in other ways

The world is still opening tens of thousands of coal-fired plants every year.

Each of these plants represents decades of further greenhouse gas emissions. Although the rate of new coal power plants is declining, that’s not enough. We still need to shut down the oldest, dirtiest coal power plants and preventing new ones from coming online.

According to the IPCC, to stay on track for climate goals the world would have to burn one-third of the coal its using by 2030.

And while natural gas emits about half the greenhouse gases of coal, the quantity isn’t zero, so these generators are in the cross-hairs too.

Some countries are already taking steps to shut off fossil fuel power. German Chancellor Angela Merkel has assembled a panel to figure out when the country can close all of its coal plants. The United Kingdom, meanwhile, has pledged to end its coal use by 2025.

Economists have also argued that countries should use supply-side tactics to restrict the supply of fossil fuels in other ways, too: like opting against new oil and gas pipelines, refineries, and export terminals.

4) Electrify everything and get more efficient

Energy efficiency is the lowest of the low-hanging fruit in fighting climate change.

Increasing fuel economy, insulating buildings, and upgrading lighting are all small incremental changes that add up to dramatic reductions in energy use, curbing greenhouse gas emissions.

It’s also often the cheapest tactic.

“The combined evidence suggests that aggressive policies addressing energy efficiency are central in keeping 1.5°C within reach and lowering energy system and mitigation costs,” according to the new IPCC report.

Buildings, for example, account for roughly one-third of global energy use and about a quarter of total greenhouse gas emissions. To stay on track for 1.5°C of warming, indoor heating and cooling demands would have to decline by at least one-third by 2050.

Many countries already have building codes that require new structures to use state-of-the-art HVAC systems, double-pane glass windows, and energy-saving appliances. But most of the buildings that are standing now will still exist in 2050, so retrofitting existing homes and offices to use less energy needs to be a major policy priority.

Another way to use our resources more efficiently is to electrify everything: oil heaters, diesel trucks, gas stoves. That way, as our sources of electricity get cleaner, they pay climate dividends throughout the rest of the electrified economy. And products like electric cars are far more energy-efficient than their gasoline-powered counterparts.

However, we need financing, incentives, and penalties to push the global economy to do more with less.

5) Invest in innovation

Perhaps the best tools to fight climate change haven’t been invented yet — a battery that can store gobs of energy for months, a solar panel that’s twice as efficient, a crop that makes biofuels cheaper than petroleum, or something even better, beyond our imaginations.

So while we clamp down on heavy emitters and deploy cleaner alternatives, we also need to come up with new answers to climate change.

That means investing in basic research and development. It also means helping nascent technologies get out of the laboratory and onto the power grid, whether through loans, grants, or regulations.

The United States already has a framework for this. The Department of Energy runs the Advanced Research Projects Agency-Energy (ARPA-E), a small federal program that funds high-risk, high-reward energy projects with an eye toward fighting climate change. It’s backed projects ranging from flow batteries to wide bandgap semiconductors.

While analysts have argued that programs like ARPA-E increase America’s competitiveness and that the world needs more innovation initiatives for clean energy, the Trump administration has repeatedly tried to zero out its $353 million budget. Congress has nonetheless kept it in place and gave the program a boost in the last spending bill.

California-based Proterra has sold hundreds of its all-electric buses.

 

6) End production and sales of cars, trucks, and buses that run on fossil fuels

Within a few decades, we are likely to see a worldwide transition away from vehicles that run on gas toward ones that use electricity.

But there’s a lot of uncertainty about how quickly it will happen. And governments have to hurry it along by phasing out the production and sale of gas and diesel vehicles altogether and helping consumers purchase EVs instead.

Fortunately, there’s a lot of momentum building. In 2017, both China and India, along with a few European countries, announced plans to end sales of gas and diesel vehicles. China is hustling toward that goal by providing incentives to manufacturers of electric car and bus makers, as well as subsidies to consumers who purchase EVs to the tune of $10,000 per vehicle on average.

The US is lagging, as per usual, despite the fact our transportation sector today emits more carbon than any other sector of the economy. California, however, is going full speed ahead on EV policy. Its target is 5 million zero-emissions vehicles by 2030 and 250,000 zero-emission vehicle chargers — including 10,000 DC fast chargers — by 2025.

A rainforest in Borneo, Malaysia was destroyed to make way for oil palm plantations.
Shutterstock

7) Require “zero deforestation” supply chains

Tropical forests in Latin America, Southeast Asia, and Central Africa are essential for keeping carbon in the ground and maintaining the climate.

And the current rate that we’re clearing them — to make way for cattle ranches, as well as palm oil, soy, and wood products — is putting us on a course for rapid climate change, with intensifying cycles of extreme droughts, more heat, and more forest fires.

All told, deforestation accounts for an estimated 15 percent of total greenhouse gas emissions.

Halting deforestation can’t be done from afar; it requires working closely with local communities who live in and rely on forests. But governments and corporations can also be pressured to buy commodities only from forest regions certified as “deforestation-free.”

Norway, for instance, now has a “zero deforestation policy,” where it has committed to ensuring “that public procurements do not contribute to deforestation of the rainforest.” Hundreds of companies have made zero-deforestation commitments, too, but we still have a long way to go before they’re airtight and working.

If we could stop deforestation, restore some of the forests we’ve cut down, and improve forestry practices, we could remove 7 billion metric tons of carbon from the atmosphere annually — equal to eliminating 1.5 billion cars, according to the Climate and Land Use Alliance.

8) Keep aging nuclear plants running

Nuclear power currently is responsible for about 20 percent of US electricity — and 50 percent of its carbon-free electricity. As Vox’s David Roberts has noted, the US could lose a lot of this power if some 15 to 20 nuclear plants at risk of closing shut down in the next five to 10 years. Which means that, “saving it, or at least as much of it as possible, seems like an obvious and urgent priority for anyone who values decarbonization.”

Fortunately, Dave also looked at how we could keep these plants open. Near the top of the list is a relatively modest national carbon price (see No. 1 above).

But since we can’t count on a carbon price in the immediate future, it’s worth looking at the other state-level hacks — like zero emissions credits, paid for by a small tariff on power bills — already being deployed to keep nuclear plants running.

Other countries are also wrestling with the future of their nuclear plants. Germany committed to shutting down all of its nuclear reactors by 2022, but the country is now likely to miss its emissions reduction targets. France is now weighing whether to extend the operating life of some of its aging nuclear power plants.

9) Discourage meat and dairy consumption, encourage plant-based diets

Producing animal products, particularly beef and dairy, creates the majority of food-related greenhouse emissions, while the food supply chain overall creates 26 percent of total emissions. The most obvious way to bring these emissions down would be to engineer a massive shift in dietary patterns, reducing our meat and dairy consumption and shrinking the livestock sector.

“GHG emissions cannot be sufficiently mitigated without dietary changes towards more plant-based diets,” as Marco Springmann of the Oxford Martin Program on the Future of Food and co-authors wrote in a paper published Wednesday in the journal Nature.

But again, this is not about individual choices, not about your mother eating more tofu. This is about asking our leaders, institutions, and employers to make dietary change a priority to truly shift markets and lower emissions. Trouble is, no country has had significant success yet with reducing its meat consumption. And as Springmann and his co-authors note, “providing information without additional economic or environmental changes has a limited influence on behavior.”

The kinds of changes we need, they write, include “media and education campaigns; labeling and consumer information; fiscal measures, such as taxation, subsidies, and other economic incentives; school and workplace approaches; local environmental changes; and direct restriction and mandates.”

It’s that last one, “direct restriction and mandates,” that’s most interesting, most daring, and most essential to try immediately.

Some countries like China are beginning to work meat consumption reduction goals into their dietary guidelines. The US should do that too in its next update in 2020. There’s also the Cool Food Pledge, a platform launched in September by the World Resources Institute, to help food service providers slash food-related emissions by 25 percent by 2030. So far, a few companies and institutions have signed up, including Morgan Stanley, UC Davis Medical Center, and Genentech.

Companies and governments could also follow WeWork’s lead and stop serving or paying for meat at company events.

We need to launch many more experiments like this because we still have no idea how to go about dietary change on the scale that’s necessary to reduce livestock-related emissions. And we need to try.

10) Remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere

Every scenario outlined by the IPCC report counts on pulling carbon dioxide out of the air. However, many of technologies needed to do this are in their infancy.

Carbon dioxide removal (CDR) tactics range from the straightforward (like planting forests) to the novel (like scrubbing carbon dioxide straight from the air).

Governments will need to invest more in CDR technology to improve its effectiveness and bring down costs.

Policies like renewable portfolio standards, feed-in tariffs, and investment tax credits can help drive the deployment of CDR, as Julio Friedmann, a researcher at Columbia University who studies carbon capture, noted in recently in The Hill.

But the biggest thing CDR companies need to blossom is a price on carbon.

Press link for more: Vox.com

They Won this Year’s Nobel for Economics. Here’s Why their Work Matters #auspol #qldpol #nswpol #ClimateChange #IPCC #StopAdani #EndCoal #TheDrum #QandA #WentworthVotes

By Simon Brandon

On the day that the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) warned that we only have 12 years left in which to prevent climate catastrophe, an American climate economist cited heavily in the IPCC’s report has been named one of the two winners of this year’s Nobel Memorial Prize for Economic Sciences.

William Nordhaus, a professor of economics at Yale, has been recognized by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences for his work – dating back to the 1970s – in understanding and modelling how the global economy and the climate interact.

Nordhaus shares the $1 million Nobel prize with Paul Romer – a professor at New York University’s Stern School of Business – who has won for his work demonstrating the fundamental importance of internal factors, such as technological innovation, in driving a nation’s economic growth.

Together, the Nobel Committee says, the two laureates have “designed methods that address some of our time’s most fundamental and pressing issues: long-term sustainable growth in the global economy and the welfare of the global population”.

Nordhaus began his work on climate change in the 1970s, when the evidence of manmade global warming had begun to emerge. He developed a set of simple but dynamic models of the relationship between the global economy and climate. These tools – called ‘integrated assessment models’ – enable us to simulate the consequences for both economy and climate of the decisions, assumptions and policies made and enacted today.

Nordhaus’ work has led him to conclude that the best way to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and mitigate their effects is a globally enforced system of carbon taxes – a course of action is recommended in the IPCC’s report.

Romer’s work, meanwhile, has led him to develop a set of ideas called endogenous growth theory. Traditionally, economists have held that a nation’s economic growth is driven largely by external factors – outside investment, for example. But Romer’s theory holds that the opposite is true; that it is internal – or endogenous – factors that hold the key to a country’s prosperity. This is important because it demonstrates to governments and policymakers that sustainable growth is achievable by directing resources and investment internally towards drivers of technological innovation, such as education and research.

Australia’s Greenhouse Gas emissions have soared since LNP stopped the price on carbon pollution.

While Nordhaus’ work is the most overtly concerned with combatting climate change, Romer’s is also key, because we need technological innovation on our side in the fight against climate change. Asked to name the most important lesson from his during the interview with the Nobel Prize Committee included above, Romer answered: “What happens with technology is within our control.”

“If we collectively set our minds to improving technology,” he says, “we can improve it in a direction that seems to be important to us and at a faster rate… Instead of treating it like the weather, we can treat [technology] as something that we control.”

The contributions of these two economists are “crucial steps forward in addressing central questions about the future of humanity,” the Nobel Committee has said. To move towards a system of sustainable global economic growth, we need to understand the best direction of travel. Romer and Nordhaus have helped to point the way – and their road signs could not be any timelier.

Simon Brandon, Freelance journalist.

This first appeared on the World Economic Forum’s Agenda blog.

Press link for more: Global Policy Journal

Coalition’s breathtakingly stupid response to IPCC climate report #auspol #qldpol #nswpol #ClimateChange #WentworthVotes #TheDrum #QandA @StanGrantMOF @Melissa4Durack @ScottMorrisonMP

It wasn’t too hard to predict what the Coalition government’s responses to the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report would be – you just needed to know where they would be making them.

Prime minister Scott Morrison chose two different media forums to espouse his views – that of far Right shock-jock Alan Jones on Radio 2GB, and Sky News, where the lunar right have been gearing up for this event for the past week.

Morrison takes coal to Australian Parliament

As ABC’s Media Watch host Paul Barry noted of the Sky News “after dark” coverage on Monday: It’s either irresponsible or “bat-shit” crazy.

You could categorise the Coalition government’s response along the same lines.

Media Watch

Morrison’s first response, as we reported on Monday, was to promise that Australia would be spending no money on climate change conferences and “all that nonsense.”

He doesn’t dare pull Australia out of the Paris treaty, but he has no intention of doing anything while it’s there.

Pretty much Australia’s standard response to international efforts for the last few decades.

Meanwhile in New Zealand

“We are not held to any of the (IPCC recommendations), and nor are we bound by them,” Morrison insisted. In short, Morrison was backing miners over scientists, as the Sydney Morning Herald headlined.

In the fantasy world of the Coalition, according to deputy prime minister Michael McCormack, Australia can have its cake and it eat too: He says Australia can keep on burning coal for decades, and encourage others to do so, and still have a tourism industry on the Great Barrier Reef.

McCormack says Australia will not be dictated to by “some sort of report.”

Some sort of report?

The IPCC report is an opportunity to inspire some sort of rational and considered debate. It was timed, quite deliberately, to coincide with the deadline for the rules of the Paris climate treaty to be finalised, and to encourage the world to do more than their down-payment promises made in Paris, as they had agreed.

Any hope that considered debate would emerge would follow was quickly lost.

Treasurer and former energy minister Josh Frydenberg, ditching his pretence of being a moderate, declared: “If we take coal out of our energy system, the lights will go out on the east coast of Australia – it’s as simple as that.”

If you did it all at once, with no planning, then of course. But no one is suggesting that. If you manage the exit, then no, the lights don’t need to go out.

Current energy minister Angus Taylor, the anti-wind campaigner who says there is already too much wind and solar in the grid, did not take kindly to the IPCC’s recommended global renewable energy share of 75-80 per cent by 2050.

Taylor even tried to convince himself that Australia would meet its Paris target, despite the government’s own data which suggests it will miss it by about one million tonnes on current trajectories.

He and Morrison congratulated Australia for meeting Kyoto, saying it was one of the only countries to meet its targets (the first stage of which allowed for a significant increase, rather than a fall, in Australia’s emissions. That’s not something to boast about).

And even when ministers were not talking to Murdoch media, the outcome was not much better.

In a complete train wreck of an interview, new environment minister Melissa Price – the former mining industry lawyer who is responsible for managing Australia’s emissions – admitted on ABC Radio’s AM program she had not read the whole IPCC report.

Still, she obviously felt she had read enough to suggest its 91 editors and authors had “drawn a long bow,” and insisted that Australia would meet its Paris targets.

Melissa Price Interview

Asked how, Price then cited the nearly depleted Emissions Reduction Fund, and two institutions that the Coalition has tried to scrap – the Clean Energy Finance Corp and the Australian Renewable Energy Agency – along with the government’s “investment in Snowy 2.0”. And something about “building” one billion trees.

Sure, the CEFC and ARENA are playing an important and welcome role in helping the energy sector reduce emissions to its pro-rata share of the pie. And Snowy 2.0, if it does go ahead, might do a very good job of using coal generation to push water up hill, if the renewables mix does not increase.

But none of Price’s examples explains, remotely, how the government intends to meet an economy-wide 26-28 per cent reduction in emissions, let alone a more ambitious target to play its share of a 2°C scenario, let alone a 1.5°Ç scenarios

Asked about the IPCC’s recommendation that coal be phased out by 2050, Price said: “I just don’t know how you can say by 2050 you are not going to have technology, good clean technology, when it comes to coal. That would be irresponsible of us to commit to that.”

Contrast all these comments from Australia’s cabinet ministers with those of Claire Perry, the UK minister for energy, who says her government will outline its next steps in the next few days:

“I welcome the strong scientific analysis behind today’s IPCC report and its conclusions are stark and sober. As policymakers we need to work togetherto accelerate the low-carbon transition to minimise the costs and misery of a rapidly warming world.

Note her use of the words response, science, and the call to action. That was the purpose of the UN report.

But Morrison’s Coalition government didn’t even try, so deep is it in the thrall of its own denial of the science, hiding in the coat-tails of Donald Trump’s Twitter account, and beholden to the script laid out by the conservative forces and vested interests, and outlined in the conservative media.

And just to remind us what this script is, the Australian’s “environment” editor Graham Llloyd – in a piece entitled “UN’s Panel inhabits a universe without  parallel”– suggested it was all part of a plot by the UN to deliver a more equitable sharing of global resources.

Hint: They want to cut your meat pie in half and give it to someone else. That must explain why former prime minister Malcolm Turnbull was eating his meat pie with a knife and fork, so he could cut it evenly. No wonder they ditched him.

The paper’s economics correspondent, Judith Sloan, said the IPCC report wasn’t science but “astrological prophecies.” In an opinion piece titled “If disaster is nigh, we’ll be spared this amateur hour claptrap”, Sloan dismissed the science out of hand and claimed that scientists know nothing about cost-benefit analysis.

But it is Sloan who wilfully ignores it. You certainly wouldn’t want to go on a camping trip with any of this mob – they’d eat everything on the first day, and be on the phone to Gina the next to get helicoptered out.

As ABC’s Paul Barry noted, you might be better off ignoring such tripe, were it not for the fact that this is what is guiding the federal government.

As Opposition spokesman Mark Butler put it today:

“In spite of the clearest possible advice from the world’s most qualified scientists this government has again decided to block their ears and ignore the science, even if it means placing our children and our grandchildren in the face of serious danger.

“Malcolm Turnbull was right when he said, after losing the Liberal leadership yet again, that the Coalition is simply constitutionally incapable of taking action on climate change.”

We are now, quite openly, in the Age of Stupid; or is it the Age of Denial? Whichever it is, let’s just hope that it is over soon.

(Note: The IPCC issued a press release on June 4 announcing they had sent all governments a final draft of the 1.5°C report, so it is highly disingenuous of Price to claim she has had no time to read the report.

GENEVA, June 4 – The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is inviting governments to comment on the Final Draft of the Summary for Policymakers (SPM) of the Special Report on Global Warming of 1.5oC (SR15) ahead of the approval plenary for the SPM at the IPCC’s 48th session in early October.

The IPCC distributed the Final Draft of the report …. to governments on Monday with a request to comment on SPM by 29 July 2018

Press link for more: Renew Economy

Mining sector, Morrison government on the defensive over IPCC report #SR15 #auspol #qldpo #nswpol #StopAdani #EndCoal Time to choose Coral or Coal? #ClimateChange

Mining sector, Morrison government on the defensive over IPCC report

8 October 2018 — 6:00pm

By Peter Hannam & Cole Latimer

Scott Morrison takes Coal to parliament

Australia’s mining industry and the Morrison government have rejected an international climate report that demands nations phase out all coal-fired power by mid-century and leave most fossil fuel reserves untapped to avoid dangerous global warming.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s special report, released on Monday, said average temperature increases could still be kept to 1.5 degrees but would require a “global transformation” of all sectors of the economy.

Sunset for coal and other fossil fuels? Not yet, says the Morrison government.

Photo: Nic Walker

Prime Minister Scott Morrison led his government’s defence of miners, saying the IPCC report did not “provide recommendations to Australia” and that his government’s focus would be “to ensure that electricity prices are lower” for households and businesses, alike.

Resources companies, though, fell on the Australian Stock Exchange, led by South32, the mainly coal miner spun-off from BHP. Its price sank 5.4 per cent or more than triple the overall market’s slide of 1.4 per cent.

Industry groups, such as the Queensland Resources Council, dismissed the prospect of an early demise for the country’s coal sector, saying Australian coal boasted relatively low emissions.

“There is a role for high-quality Australian coal and it’s compatible with meeting Paris emissions reductions targets,” Ian Macfarlane, council chief executive and a former Coalition energy minister.

“Our economy depends on the coal industry, and we can have both a strong coal industry and reduce carbon emissions.”

The NSW Minerals Council likewise said coal had “very positive” future in the state, with strong demand from traditional and emerging export markets, a spokesman said.

“There are positive signs that these good conditions will continue in coming decades,” he said, citing a recent industry forecast that annual Asian demand for coal burnt in power plants would jump by half from about 740 million tonnes to 1.147 billion tonnes by 2030.

Carbon budgets

However, the IPCC report’s authors said the world would face severe consequences if the great bulk of fossil fuels including coal, oil and gas, weren’t left in the ground.

At 1.5 degrees of warming, compared with pre-industrial levels, as much as 90 per cent of the world’s coral reefs will die, and virtually all would be lost if temperatures rose two degrees, or about twice the increase so far.

Mark Howden, head of the Australian National University’s Climate Change Institute, said emitting the equivalent of about 420 billions of carbon dioxide would exhaust the remaining carbon budget to cap warming at 1.5 degrees. Current annual emissions are about 42 billion tonnes, implying about a decade of pollution before “the need to go vertical” to zero emissions to keep within the temperature limit.

Emissions will need to fall 45 per cent from 2010 levels – or 58 per cent from 2015 totals – by 2030, the IPCC said.

Melissa Price, the federal Environment Minister, said the government would consider the IPCC report, saying the government “is committed to the Paris Agreement and takes its international obligations seriously”.

“We’re particularly concerned about the implications for coral reefs, with the report finding climate change will impact reefs across the world, including Australia,” she said.

Melissa Price

The Paris accord was signed three years ago by almost 200 nations, who pledged to keep warming to 1.5-2 degrees. Australia’s pledge is to cut 2005-level emissions 26-28 per cent by 2030, a target environmental groups such as the Climate Action Tracker describe as “insufficient”.

Labor, Greens

Both Labor and the Greens attacked the Coalition government, signalling the likelihood that climate change will become a major issue at the next federal poll due by mid-2019.

“At 1.5 degrees, we will see the consequences of climate-related risks to our health, our livelihoods, our food security, water supply, human security, and economic growth,” Penny Wong, Labor’s acting spokeswoman for climate change, said.

Senator Wong said “the government’s own data shows they will fail to meet their already inadequate Paris targets with pollution rising all the way to 2030”.

Australia’s GHG emissions have increased since LNP “axed the tax”

Labor has pledged to increase Australia’s carbon reduction effort to 45 per cent from 2005 levels and roughly triple the current share of renewable energy to 50 per cent by 2030.

Adam Bandt, the Greens climate spokesman, said the IPCC report showed it was “time to hit the climate emergency button”, and that neither major party was prepared to take the necessary steps.

“If we don’t quit coal, we are screwed,” said Mr Bandt. “Business as usual under Liberal and Labor is a death sentence.”

Shutting down

Market forces, at least in Australia, indicate an exit from coal in the electricity sector is likely for all major plants by 2050 – unless governments intervene to extend their lives.

.

Origin Energy, for instance, plans to shut the Eraring coal-fired power station in NSW – Australia’s largest – by 2032.

“We believe that net-zero emissions for the electricity sector by 2050 or earlier is achievable,” Origin chief executive Frank Calabria said in the company’s 2018 Sustainability report.

One industry hoping to benefit from any shift towards low emissions in the carbon capture and storage (CCS) industry, a sector signalled out by the IPCC as necessary if global temperatures are to avoid “overshooting” the targets.

“It’s obviously very pleasing the panel is endorsing the necessity for CCS,” Global Carbon Capture and Storage Institute spokesman Antonios Papaspiropoulos told Fairfax Media.

“This is a pivotal part of turning back the climate change siege,” he said. “We’re starting to see a wider acceptance that more needs to be done to fight climate change, and CCS is part of this ‘more’.”

Press link for more: SMH

Human sign in Tathra draws 2000 to form #climatechange message #auspol #qldpol #StopAdani #EndCoal #ClimateAction now #KeepTathraCool #ReduceCO2

A photograph of the human sign in Tathra on Sunday. Picture: Supplied

About 2000 people have made a giant human sign that sent a strong message about global warming.

On Sunday, September 30, they came from across the Bega Valley and beyond to Tathra to form one of Australia’s largest human signs, which called for stronger climate action and rapid reductions.

Organised by Clean Energy For Eternity, the people were joined by 14 Rural Fire Service (RFS) trucks at Lawrence Park to spell out three slogans: “Keep Tathra Cool”, “Reduce CO2 ”, and “Climate Action Now”.

Speaking after the event, founder and president of CEFE Matthew Nott was happy with the sign’s success.

“I spent the whole morning with my heart in my mouth worrying if anyone would turn up!” he said.

Dr Nott said there were 34 letters in sign which was “really ambitious” and when people walked onto the park it was “unscripted, there was no rehearsal”.

“But we got it all done in about half the time I thought it would take, it took about 45 minutes,” he said.

Tathra had been at the forefront of solutions to climate change since 2006, he said, when CEFE formed two human signs on the town’s beach with 3000 people that read “Clean Energy For Eternity” and “Imagine”.

Since then, 250kilowatts of renewable energy had been installed in Tathra, coming from such locations as the solar farm at the sewage treatment plant, the primary school, the football club and many businesses.

Tathra is a town like no other, it really understands the threat of climate change and how it can be turned into an opportunity.

Matthew Nott

“Tathra is a town like no other, it really understands the threat of climate change and how it can be turned into an opportunity,” Dr Nott said.

He said it was a “disgrace” and a “dereliction of duty” that Australia did not have a national emissions policy and the sign’s message to “politicians of all colours and stripes” was they needed to come together to develop a strong national policy to reduce emissions.

Clean Energy For Eternity members Nick Graham-Higgs, Derek Povel, Prue Kelly, Matthew Nott and Nanette Imsirovic. 

“Renewable energy is now cheaper than coal-fired electricity, so why do we focus on coal as a form of energy? It doesn’t make any sense to me,” Dr Nott said.

One Tathra resident that participated in the human sign was Nick Graham-Higgs, the founder of environmental consultancy NGH Environmental, who spent March 18 fighting to save his home and neighbouring properties when a bushfire hit the town.

“We are lucky that no lives were lost that day, but it took several months to recover from the emotional trauma as well as the smoke inhalation,” Mr Graham-Higgs said.

“Everyone is extremely uneasy about the coming summer, as a hot day and strong breeze could set off the nightmare for us once again.

“The clean energy solutions required for climate action are already technically feasible, affordable and available today. 

“Making the switch away from fossil fuels is just a matter of political will.” .

The crowd begins to form the sign.

Another Tathra resident who joined in was David Gallan, president of the Far South Coast branch of the National Parks Association and member of the RFS, who sustained severe damage to his solar-powered home in the bushfire.

“In addition to renewable energy, protecting forests is also one of the cheapest and most effective ways to cut emissions and reduce bushfire risk,” he said.

“Our leaders must act in the best interests of all Australians and support climate solutions such as renewable energy and forest protection.”

Press link for more: Bega District News

When It Comes to #ClimateChange, the Rich Are the Culprit – but They Won’t Pay the Price #auspol #qldpol #nswpol #StopAdani #EndCoal #TheDrum #Insiders #QandA #Neoliberalism is a suicide cult.l

An oligarch does as much damage to the climate in a day as an average person does in five years, according to a leading anthropologist and environmental researcher. Nevertheless, he remains hopeful

Ayelett Shani20.09.2018 | 20:44

Prof. Dan Rabinowitz. Tomer Appelbaum

By chance, the timing of my call was good.

Indeed. I’ve just returned from a sabbatical in New York. I taught at Columbia and took part in a research group on inequality – specifically, in my case, carbon inequality.

Actually, what most interests me is mapping carbon dioxide emissions for different strata of the population.

Within the framework of my research, I focused on the wealthiest people, in the very highest percentile.

What did you discover?

The bit of information that I like most came from a woman who manages an agency in Monaco harbor. Her agency prepares the yachts that belong to world’s richest people, which anchor there ahead of their cruises – from maintenance of the engine to whatever capricious thing the owners may want.

What did she tell you?

One evening this woman gets a phone call from the personal secretary of an oligarch’s daughter. It turns out that the family had landed just a few minutes earlier, and when they got to the yacht the oligarch’s daughter discovered she’d forgotten her baby intercom at home in Moscow. No problem, the woman tells the secretary, I’ll send someone to buy a new intercom; in a quarter of an hour it’ll be with you on the yacht. No, the secretary replies, the lady doesn’t want a replacement, she wants the original from Moscow.

The poor baby.

So what do you think happened?

The private plane that had just landed flew back to Moscow. Three-and-a-half hours each way.

An emission of 49 tons of carbon dioxide just to bring the intercom.

What are the implications of that story?

Can you rate it according to some sort of scale?

The average Israeli citizen is responsible for the emission of 11 tons a year. That includes everything.

His flights.

His home.

His car.

Everything.

Syria underwent the worst drought in its history before the civil war broke out in 2011 – a similar fate befell Darfur in the 1980s and 1990s. Tomer Appelbaum

Is that considered high or low, relative to the rest of the world?

It falls on the average-high side for an industrialized country.

Higher than most countries in Europe, where public transportation and energy conservation are more developed.

In short, in one night, the oligarch’s daughter had the impact that the average Israeli generates over five years.

That’s actually the whole story in a nutshell.

We started from the end.

Now it’s almost superfluous to ask what climatic injustice is.

Climatic injustice takes two forms.

First there is the exposure side – namely, how vulnerable we are to the effects of climate change.

Of course people who live in undeveloped and desert countries are far more vulnerable to temperature increases, water distress, rising food prices, etc., than affluent people living in developed countries.

I deal with the second half of the equation: Who contributes most to climate change.

The equation is clear from that perspective: Rich people contribute more, the poor less.

Significantly.

By rough estimate, about half the greenhouse gases in the atmosphere stem from the electricty production by power stations.

Another one-quarter comes from transportation and the rest from industry.

Since Third World countries are obviously less industrialized, they also cause less pollution.

Moreover, their industrialization process got underway much later than in the countries in northern and western Europe and in North America, which have been industrialized for 200 years.

And at the same time the stronger countries have relocated most of their production to the undeveloped countries.

The contribution of China to the level of greenhouse gases around the globe, which is more than Europe and North America combined, doesn’t stem only from consumption by the Chinese themselves.

China today produces the largest quantity of greenhouse gases.

A considerable proportion of that is due to the fact that the whole [developed] world is exporting its industries to China.

Most of the studies that deal with the subject draw a comparison between countries, but because I come from the fields of sociology and anthropology, my research deals with a comparison within countries. I actually want to show that the rich contribute a great deal more to the climate crisis, yet the likelihood they will survive it and not have to pay a price for their actions, is far greater.

That’s true both within states and between states.

Cancer from someone else’s cigarettes

Prof. Dan Rabinowitz. Tomer Appelbaum

I recently happened across a good illustration of that principle: metaphorically, it’s like someone who stands next to a heavy smoker and gets lung cancer.

I would add – he’s also the one who paid for the cigarettes.

One of the Indian representatives at a climate conference a few years ago said that the “cake” of industrialization is being eaten in the Northern Hemisphere, but the stomachaches remain in the South.

Perhaps you can elaborate.

We’re all familiar with the term “carbon footprint.” The more we consume, the larger our carbon footprint.

So that even if we said that in Israel the average is 11 tons a year, that’s actually the result of an averaging of the people belonging to the lower percentiles – who consume less, who don’t own a car and whose annual emission ranges between three and four tons – and the wealthy populations, who live in spacious homes and maintain fleets of vehicles and private planes, etc.

A few years ago, we checked the disparity between the lowest and highest percentiles in Israel in three realms: automobile travel, electricity usage and food consumption. In regard to vehicles and electricity, the rich contribute 27 times as much as the poor to the greenhouse effect. In food it’s only twice as much, simply because there’s a limit to how much food one can consume.

But that’s obvious, isn’t it?

Carbon inequality is simply another derivative of socioeconomic inequality, disparity and polarization.

That’s the system.

The system also encourages those who can afford it to consume ever more without placing obstacles in their way.

For example, Israel does not levy a carbon tax, which in the view of some is the only thing that might save us.

Technologically, it’s possible to keep track of how much carbon dioxide each of us emits.

To illustrate: Our car can be linked to a mechanism that monitors the amounts of fuel and frequency of use, and we can be asked to pay more if we deviate from the average. But that won’t happen, because it conflicts with the neoliberal rationale, whereby people are encouraged to consume as much as they can.

Have you ever stopped to think why politicians don’t like to be identified with economizing?

Why they prefer to have a dancer serve as the face of a campaign to save water [a reference to an Israel Water Authority commercial], even though it’s an excellent opportunity for a public figure to get personal exposure?

In a neoliberal regime, where over-consumption is the ideal, no one gets elected because he introduced a regimen of austerity, rationing or taxation.

Just the opposite.

The pattern of usage of public resources also conforms to that approach.

That’s privatization.

When you transfer a natural resource to private hands, any prospect of restraint ends, because from the outset the interest of the private body – to make as much money as possible in as short a time as possible – conflicts with environmental thinking and a desire to conserve the resource.

Neoliberal logic opts for money, and to hell with the resource.

Did someone mention the Dead Sea?

We could mention many other things.

Among them the ability of the atmosphere to retain carbon dioxide.

What is actually happening in terms of climate change?

We are compressing more carbon dioxide into the atmosphere than it can break down, so its only recourse is to store it – like the body stores fat.

A Shell plant in Texas. A U.S. president who intends to spearhead change will have to find alternative ways to take big energy corporations’ vast profits and invest them in alternative energy. Andrees Latif/REUTERS

The point is that countries themselves lack the ability – and also, in fact, the desire – to change the situation.

James Hansen, a former NASA climate scientist, maintains that the whole political system around the world is tainted by bribery and that the only way to effect change is through the courts.

I think that the American legal system is more reliable in this respect than that in other countries.

Hansen is indeed one of the pioneers in the field.

His Senate testimony about global warming, in June 1988, was the trigger for the debate about the climate.

Until then the subject wasn’t even on the table. But 30 years ago, Hansen both asserted that there is such a thing [as climate change] and also predicted many of the phenomena we’re seeing today.

He started out as a climate scientist, and went through a process that I’ve seen among many such scientists in the past few years. They understand that, however brilliant and comprehensive and deep they are in their research, the real problem, ultimately, is political. And that, by the way, is what also encouraged me to deal with this subject.

What is actually the connection between anthropology and sociology, on the one hand, and climate?

We are simply being drawn into this discussion by the scientists themselves, because they understand that their knowledge in engineering, technology or physics isn’t enough.

They need to know how to cope with such rigid and self-interested structures.

‘Worrisome prognoses’

That’s exactly Hansen’s argument: that only a judicial system can allow itself to be untainted. Because various states, in his formulation, are caught in the pincers of capital and vested interests.

Does anyone believe that U.S. President Donald Trump, say, will tell Shell Oil that they need to earn less, for the sake of our children?

Let’s look at it briefly from the point of view of the big energy corporations.

It’s a very complex story for them. They invest trillions in acquiring franchises, in production, transportation, storage and in marketing types of energy, particularly petroleum, gas and coal, and we know that coal is harmful. If we take the revolution to them, we are effectively saying: Bury all your business plans. That’s a result that is absolutely untenable for them.

So the smart American president who intends to spearhead change will have to find other ways – which do exist – such as taxation and various incentives, to help them make the transition.

To take their vast profits and invest them in alternative energy.

Fine, we’ll wait for a smart American president and we’ll see.

Take George W. Bush, for example.

He will always be remembered for the first five years of his presidency, during which he was a declared climate-change denier.

Officials in the administration were instructed regularly to censor scientific reports published by NASA and others, in order to moderate the worrisome prognoses about global warming, and especially the effect of emissions whose source was the energy and automobile industries, among others. But in his last years in office, the messages that came from him were toned down.

Some people attribute this to the insurance lobby, which at that time started to show signs of anxiety because of the anticipated damage, mainly from agriculture and the food industry, and because of the greater frequency and intensity of tropical storms. The situation was aggravated after Hurricane Katrina and the tremendous damage in New Orleans.

So you say that what can actually tip the scales is a powerful interest in the other direction?

That too.

In Europe, for example, the thrust toward [addressing climate] change didn’t happen because of vested interests, but because of decency and because they listen to scientists.

In China, too, this change is starting for completely different reasons – because the Chinese public, which is seeing with its own eyes the effect of air pollution, is pushing for change.

I’m optimistic, and not necessarily because I know the exact route by which salvation will come in every place.

It comes for different reasons in different countries, but it can come.

Let’s return for a moment to the social gaps and to the way they were manifested in New Orleans after the disaster there in 2005.

Wealthy people fled ahead of time, and the poor were left to wave at rescue teams from the rooftops.

There are a number of countries that particularly excel in this matter of inequality.

Israel is always high up in the charts, especially during the past two decades.

But in the case of Israel, the state itself is strong.

Let’s say that tomorrow 30 percent of its territory turns into an arid desert.

The state could cover for that, and assist its citizenry; whereas the same development could cause the total collapse of, say, the Central African Republic.

A nondeveloped country has no capacity to cope with natural disasters.

That already raises more complex questions, concrete moral ones, about the scope of the solidarity and mutual surety that the human race owes itself, and about whether the stronger countries need to be guarantors of the weaker countries – or whether, as the right wing claimed long before Trump, not only are we not required to help the weak and the poor, but we absolutely must not help them, because that creates more and more of the weak.

This relates to another phenomenon that’s connected to climate inequality: climate migrants.

It’s estimated that there will be millions of these migrants in the coming decades.

If we take as an example the Syrian refugee crisis, which is on a far lesser scale quantitatively, it’s likely that the strong countries will shut their gates.

Of course. Not everyone is [German Chancellor Angela] Merkel.

How do we know that we’ve reached the point at which a certain place becomes unfit for human habitation?

The inhabitants themselves know.

In southern Bangladesh, for example, tens of millions of people live in a region below sea level that is very vulnerable, obviously, to a rise in the water level. Groundwater salinization along the coast has already begun, but the farmers who live there obviously will know precisely when their wells have become unusable, when they no longer have water for irrigation.

Similarly, we can look at the situation in Syria.

The civil war in Syria began in 2011, but during the five years preceding that, beginning in 2006, Syria underwent the worst drought in its history.

In Europe, the thrust toward addressing climate change didn’t happen because of vested interests, but because of decency. Explora_2005 / Getty Images IL

Yes, I know the hypothesis that draws a connection between the drought and the war.

What’s happened in Syria is that, in the wake of the drought, farmers started to migrate to urban centers.

Even before that, there was already tremendous domestic tension in the country between different communities, and in the wake of the migration, which forced different groups to live together, there were clashes and great unrest that effectively constituted the trigger for the civil war.

The demographic balances and the balance of power changed, the government couldn’t cope, and a civil war began.

That’s an especially interesting aspect of climate change, the way it exacerbates the war of existence.

What happens in an undeveloped country where tremendous internal tension exists – such as, let’s say, in most of the countries in Africa – when the “pie” of resources, which is small from the start, becomes even smaller?

What happens is, you get Darfurians in Tel Aviv.

Explain.

We started hearing about the Horn of Africa only at the end of the 1990s. But if we look back earlier, the region underwent accelerated desertification in the 1980s, and the ability to sustain agriculture decreased dramatically. Because of climate change, naturally, production constantly fell. That by itself didn’t yet prompt the Darfurians to undertake their biblical journeys by foot to Tel Aviv. But the greater the distress became, the more ethnic identity played a role in subsistence and survival. What actually aggravated and heightened the internal tensions in Darfur was the generous aid that came from Europe.

How?

Because that aid arrived in the form of food dropped from planes.

Of course, it’s a lot easier to seize by force a food shipment that’s been airlifted in, than it is to try to grow crops in parched fields. The friction between ethnic groups constantly increased, until civil war erupted and drove tens and hundreds of thousands to flee the country.

Naturally, I don’t contend that there was some sort of clear, unidirectional trend here, that started with climate change and ended with Sudanese and Darfurians in Tel Aviv. There is a certain butterfly-effect element here. But there’s no doubt that these processes nourish each other: warming, desertification, distress, hunger, ethnic rifts, civil wars, waves of refugees.

The refugees who arrived in Israel don’t term themselves climate migrants or environmental migrants, but rather political refugees, and that’s correct, but there’s no doubt that amid all this tumult there is also a significant and even decisive environmental element, in the wake of which they were compelled to leave their country. If we think in depth about climate change, we have to take into account all the catastrophes that are on the way. Whole populations that will be uprooted and become nomadic, possibly even becoming extinct.

This is all very depressing.

I know.

How do you live with it?

I am a generally optimistic and positive person, and I somehow manage to make the separation. In the first 20 years of my academic career, I dealt with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

And then you came to the conclusion that that was not depressing enough?

And then I switched to an even more depressing topic. I can’t really understand why I did it.

Maybe you enjoy problems that no one else is really interested in solving.

I think that we don’t need to think about a [single] solution. If we think about a solution [that succeeds or fails, one or the other], it will become binary: solution-no solution.

There is a solution, but it runs contrary to every immediate interest.

True, but even so, some countries are aiming for it. Britain and Germany, for example, are doing amazing things, even though the problem is vast and supposedly insoluble. They reduced the amount of their carbon dioxide emissions by dozens of percentage points compared to the 1990s.

So apparently it is possible.

It’s possible, but will it happen?

The bottom line is that the quantity of emissions is only increasing.

I can’t say that’s what will happen.

The fact is that in certain countries things are happening.

The more significant thing is the rate of improvement versus the inertia of destruction. There are two poles here that are behaving differently.

Globally, the amount of carbon dioxide that continues to be compressed into the atmosphere is still increasing.

On the other hand, in some countries it’s on a decline.

Let me guess – in Scandinavia.

Right. But that’s not to say that in other countries the situation is fixed, and can’t change. There’s already a group of 30 countries that are cutting down.

That’s cause for great hope and it also gives rise to working models. By means of legislation, regulation, through what people know how to do – for the same reasons that the human species is so successful and is able at certain moments to join forces, cooperate, invent and renew.

Our struggle is not over “all or nothing,” it’s about saving as much as possible. After all, the [entire] human race isn’t about to become extinct, but certain groups within it are going to suffer a great deal and perhaps also become extinct.

The fate of some of the flat islands in the Indian Ocean, for example, is already sealed.

Other places, undeveloped areas and desert regions, might experience a steep plunge in population size.

This has happened before in human history.

Mass starvation, epidemics, etc., which led to a dramatic reduction in the size of the population.

So I prefer to define the question not in terms of whether there is a solution or not, but to what extent the solutions will wield influence and trickle down, in order to reverse the trend.

There’s no doubt that overall, this is a very worrisome trend, especially with regard to weak populations.

Yes. In one of your articles you write: One day we will look back and simply not believe.

As the cliché goes, you don’t know what you’ve got until it’s gone.

I think that if we were to live in some future world, where the temperature outside is unbearable for many months of the year, when the ability simply to walk around outside will be constantly diminishing, where we will use resources, including fuel and energy, in a way completely different from today, where everything will be controlled and measured and limited – when we look back on the wild way in which we are living today, to a world where most people are completely unaware of the significance of carbon to their way of life, we simply wouldn’t believe that we ever lived like that.

After all, if we’d been told 70 years ago that the street corner where we’re sitting – Rothschild and Ahad Ha’am [in Tel Aviv] – would have cafes and be a busy thoroughfare, and not a drowsy road along which a camel convoy occasionally passes by, we wouldn’t have believed it.

Press link for more: Haaretz.com

Terrible’: Rising gas output lifts Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions #auspol #qldpol #nswpol #wapol #StopAdani #EndCoal #ClimateChange

Terrible’: Rising gas output lifts Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions

28 September 2018 —

By Peter Hannam

Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions have continued to climb, reaching the highest levels on a quarterly basis since 2010, led by a surge in gas production.

For the 12 months to March 31 2018, emissions totalled 529.9 million tonnes of carbon dioxide-equivalent, up 1.3 per cent from a year earlier, the Environment Department said in the report released on Friday afternoon.

Fugitive emissions, mostly from the gas sector, jumped 13.7 per cent.

Big jump in gas production has propelled Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions higher.

Photo: Glenn Campbell

The overall figure included a drop of 4.3 per cent in emissions from the electricity sector, which accounts for the biggest share of pollution.

Another sector reporting a decline was land use change, with emissions down 5.2 per cent although the government qualified the figure as preliminary, subject to satellite imagery analysis.

On a seasonally adjusted basis, emissions were 134.7 million tonnes, or the highest quarterly figure since September 2010.

Adam Bandt, the Greens climate spokesman, said the timing of the data release was aimed at minimising attention.

“Dumping this terrible news on Grand Final eve is a disgrace,” Mr Bandt said. “Pollution is going up, the government boasts it has no renewables policy and global warming is getting worse.”

Per-capita drop

Melissa Price, the federal environment minister, focused on the per-capita emission levels, which were now 36 per cent below 1990 levels. Per unit of economic activity, they were down 59 per cent.

“The latest report on Australia’s national greenhouse gas inventory released today clearly shows Australia is on track to beat its 2020 emissions target,” Minister Price said in a statement.

National emissions were 1.9 per cent below 2000 levels – the 2020 target is to be 5 per cent lower – and 11.2 per cent below 2005 levels in the year to March 2018.

The Morrison government has few policy levers to pull to reduce emissions, especially after it dropped the National Energy Guarantee.

The electricity sector, which accounts for 35 per cent of Australia’s emissions, has been trending lower without additional policies.

The Renewable Energy Target, which runs until 2020, has helped increase the share of renewable energy to record levels, reducing the pollution from coal-fired and gas-fired power stations.

‘Embarrassing’

Kelly O’Shanassy, Australian Conservation Foundation’s Chief Executive Officer, said it was “frankly embarrassing that climate pollution continues to rise in a wealthy country like Australia”.

“This latest pollution scorecard casts extreme doubt over the Morrison Government’s claim that Australia will meet our 2030 emissions reduction target ‘in a canter’ without strong new action.”

Australia’s Paris climate commitment is to reduce 2005 level pollution by 26-28 per cent by 2030.

Emissions have been trending higher for about four years.

Press link for more: SMH.COM

While economic growth continues we’ll never kick our fossil fuels habit #auspol #qldpol #nswpol #ClimateChange #ClimateEmergency #Neoliberalism is a suicide cult. #Drought #StopAdani #EndCoal #TheDrum #QandA Break the Silence!

While economic growth continues we’ll never kick our fossil fuels habit | George Monbiot

George MonbiotWed 26 Sep 2018 15.00 AEST

We’re getting there, aren’t we?

We’re making the transition towards an all-electric future. We can now leave fossil fuels in the ground and thwart climate breakdown. Or so you might imagine, if you follow the technology news.

So how come oil production, for the first time in history, is about to hit 100m barrels a day?

How come the oil industry expects demand to climb until the 2030s?

How is it that in Germany, whose energy transition (Energiewende) was supposed to be a model for the world, protesters are being beaten up by police as they try to defend the 12,000-year-old Hambacher forest from an opencast mine extracting lignite – the dirtiest form of coal?

Why have investments in Canadian tar sands – the dirtiest source of oil – doubled in a year?

The answer is, growth.

There may be more electric vehicles on the world’s roads, but there are also more internal combustion engines.

There be more bicycles, but there are also more planes.

It doesn’t matter how many good things we do: preventing climate breakdown means ceasing to do bad things.

Given that economic growth, in nations that are already rich enough to meet the needs of all, requires an increase in pointless consumption, it is hard to see how it can ever be decoupled from the assault on the living planet.

When a low-carbon industry expands within a growing economy, the money it generates stimulates high-carbon industry.

Anyone who works in this field knows environmental entrepreneurs, eco-consultants and green business managers who use their earnings to pay for holidays in distant parts of the world and the flights required to get there.

Electric vehicles have driven a new resource rush, particularly for lithium, that is already polluting rivers and trashing precious wild places.

Clean growth is as much of an oxymoron as clean coal. But making this obvious statement in public life is treated as political suicide.

The Labour party’s new environment policy, published this week, rightly argues that “our current economic model is threatening the foundations on which human wellbeing depends”.

It recognises that ecological collapse cannot be prevented through consumer choice or corporate social responsibility: the response to our greatest predicament must be determined by scientific research, and planned, coordinated and led by government.

It pledges “to meet the Paris agreement goal of limiting global temperature rises to no more than 1.5C”. But, like almost everyone else, it ignores the fundamental problem.

Beyond a certain point, economic growth – the force that lifted people out of poverty, and cured deprivation, squalor and disease – tips us back into those conditions. To judge by the devastation climate breakdown is wreaking, we appear already to have reached this point.

The contradiction is most obvious when the policy document discusses airports (an issue on which the party is divided).

Labour guarantees that any airport expansion must adhere to its tests on climate change. But airport expansion is incompatible with its climate commitments. Even if aircraft emissions are capped at 2005 levels, by 2050 they will account for half the nation’s carbon budget if the UK is not to contribute to more than 1.5C of global warming. If airports grow, they will swallow even more of the budget.

Airport expansion is highly regressive, offending the principles of justice and equity that Labour exists to uphold. Regardless of the availability and cost of flights, they are used disproportionately by the rich, as these are the people with the business meetings in New York, the second homes in Tuscany, and the money to pay for winter holidays in the sun. Yet the impacts – noise, pollution and climate breakdown – are visited disproportionately on the poor.

I recognise that challenging our least contested ideologies – growth and consumerism – is a tough call. But in New Zealand, it is beginning to happen. Jacinda Ardern, the Labour prime minister, says: “It will no longer be good enough to say a policy is successful because it increases GDP if it also degrades the physical environment.” How this translates into policy, and whether her party will resolve its own contradictions, remains to be determined.

Jacinda Ardern At the UN

No politician can act without support.

If we want political parties to address these issues, we too must start addressing them.

We cannot rely on the media to do it for us.

A report by the research group Media Matters found that total coverage of climate change across five US news networks (ABC, CBS, NBC, Fox and PBS) amounted to 260 minutes in 2017 – a little over four hours.

Almost all of it was a facet of the Trump psychodrama (Will he pull out of the Paris accord?

What’s he gone and done this time?) rather than the treatment of climate chaos in its own right.

There was scarcely a mention of the link between climate breakdown and the multiple unnatural disasters the US suffered that year; of new findings in climate science; or of the impacts of new pipelines or coalmines. I cannot find a comparable recent study in the UK. I suspect it is a little better, but not a lot.

The worst denial is not the claim that this existential crisis isn’t happening.

It is the failure to talk about it at all.

Not talking about our greatest predicament, even as it starts to bite, requires a constant and determined effort.

Taken as a whole (of course there are exceptions), the media are a threat to humanity.

They claim to speak on our behalf, but they either speak against us or do not speak at all.

So what do we do?

We talk.

As the climate writer Joe Romm argued in ThinkProgress this year, a crucial factor in the remarkable shift in attitudes towards LGBT people was the determination of activists to break the silence.

They overcame social embarrassment to broach issues that other people found uncomfortable.

We need, Romm argues, to do the same for climate breakdown.

A recent survey suggests that 65% of Americans rarely or never discuss it with friends or family, while only one in five hear people they know mention the subject at least once a month.

Like the media, we subconsciously invest great psychological effort into not discussing an issue that threatens almost every aspect of our lives.

Let’s be embarrassing.

Let’s break the silence, however uncomfortable it makes us and others feel.

Let’s talk about the great unmentionables: not just climate breakdown, but also growth and consumerism.

Let’s create the political space in which well-intentioned parties can act.

Let us talk a better world into being.

• George Monbiot is a Guardian columnist

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